The Bangla language, which is spoken by nearly 30 crore people on the planet, occupies a unique place in South Asia, symbolising both cultural pride and political struggle. Yet the experience of its speakers across different national borders-Bangladesh, India, and the diaspora-varies widely, shaped by political configurations, economic disparities, and struggles for recognition. Despite this amount of Bengali speakers, who are bigger than Arabic-speakers, are subjected to humiliation in India and elsewhere. To protest against socioeconomic marginalization three movements have popped up in the linguistic-political landscape of India particularly West Bengal where Mamata Banerjee is now ruling.
The movements - Banglabadi political current, Jatiya Bangla Sammelon, the Gen Z Pschim Banga - seemingly replicating the 1952 Language Movement in Bangladesh. Each of these movements reflects a shared consciousness of marginalisation, where the economic and social status of Bangla-speaking people played a critical role in shaping their collective identities and resistance.
The 1952 Language Movement in Dhaka marked one of the earliest large-scale assertions of linguistic rights in postcolonial South Asia. Following the partition of 1947, Urdu was declared the sole state language of Pakistan, sidelining Bangla-the mother tongue of the majority of the population. This policy was not merely a cultural imposition but also an instrument of economic and political centralisation, privileging the West Pakistani elite. The marginalisation of Bangla-speaking East Pakistanis manifested in multiple ways: Administrative exclusion: Government jobs, education, and military positions were dominated by Urdu-speaking elites. Economic disparity: Despite East Pakistan producing the bulk of Pakistan's export earnings (especially jute), the region received disproportionately low investments in infrastructure and development. Social alienation: The symbolic degradation of Bangla reinforced a sense of second-class citizenship. The language protests of 1952 were thus not simply about linguistic recognition, but also about economic justice and political equality. The deaths of students in Dhaka on 21 February crystallised a collective identity, uniting language with broader struggles for autonomy that would culminate in the independence of Bangladesh in 1971.
Banglabadi Politics in India: Assertion within a Multi-lingual Nation: The Banglabadi movement in India emerged as a response to the marginal position of Bengali speakers in states outside West Bengal, particularly in Assam and Tripura. Partition displaced millions of Bengalis-Hindus from East Pakistan and Muslims who migrated to India-creating demographic tensions in host regions. For Bengali migrants, marginalisation was twofold: Economic: Many were uprooted refugees with limited resources, forced into slums, informal labour, or small trading. Social: They were often branded as outsiders, facing hostility from indigenous Assamese and Tripuri populations who feared cultural and demographic domination.
The Banglabadi identity therefore carried both a defensive and aspirational dimension. On the one hand, it sought to preserve linguistic rights (schools, media, cultural organisations); on the other, it sought integration into the Indian polity while resisting local exclusion. Unlike the 1952 movement, which directly confronted the state, the Banglabadi mobilisation worked within India's federal linguistic framework, pressing for recognition and resources in states where Bengalis were minorities.
Jatiya Bangla Sammelon: Cultural Assertion in West Bengal The Jatiya Bangla Sammelon was a series of gatherings and cultural-political forums in West Bengal that emerged in the mid-20th century, particularly in the 1960s and 1970s, to promote Bangla as a marker of cultural pride within India. Although Bengali was an official state language, West Bengal's Bengali elites felt marginalised in comparison to the Hindi-speaking northern elite and the English-speaking pan-Indian bureaucracy. Here, the sense of marginalisation was less about poverty or displacement, and more about symbolic hierarchy.
Language hierarchy: Hindi was promoted as India's national language, creating tension with Bengalis who valued their own literary heritage (Tagore, Nazrul, Bankimchandra). Economic hierarchy: Post-independence industrial decline in Bengal, coupled with the flight of capital and businesses, worsened unemployment, fuelling resentment.
Political hierarchy: Bengalis perceived a reduced influence in national politics compared to their prominence during the nationalist struggle. The Sammelon emphasised Bangla literature, theatre, and education as tools of empowerment. While it did not carry the life-and-death urgency of the 1952 struggle, it reflected a middle-class anxiety about cultural downgrading within the Indian Union.
Gen Z Pschim Banga: A Contemporary Youth Response: The Gen Z Pschim Banga movement is a relatively recent phenomenon, spearheaded by young Bengalis on digital platforms. Unlike earlier movements rooted in state policy, this is driven by a globalised generational experience where young Bengalis feel doubly marginalized.
Marginalized Within India: By the dominance of Hindi and English, both in education and in corporate recruitment. Globally: By the lack of recognition of Bengal's contributions in comparison to technologically or economically powerful Indian states like Karnataka, Maharashtra, or Gujarat. Economic stagnation in West Bengal-marked by declining industry, limited startup culture, and weak job creation-has created an exodus of youth seeking opportunities in Bangalore, Hyderabad, or abroad. Gen Z activists frame their movement as both a cultural reawakening and a demand for economic revitalisation, advocating for linguistic pride, digital innovation, and equitable representation in national narratives.
Comparative Analysis: Marginalisation Across Borders: A comparative reading of these four movements reveals both shared themes and divergent trajectories: Shared Themes Cultural assertion as resistance: In all cases, Bangla was not only a language but also a symbol of dignity and collective identity. Economic grievances: Whether in East Pakistan (1952) or contemporary West Bengal, material deprivation sharpened the sense of marginalisation.
Generational shifts: Each movement reflects its time-students in 1952, refugees in Banglabadi politics, middle-class intellectuals in Jatiya Sammelon, and digital youth in Gen Z Pschim Banga.
Divergent Trajectories of Bangladesh: The language movement escalated into a national liberation struggle, making Bangla a state-defining identity. India (Banglabadi & Sammelon): The focus remained on cultural recognition and minority rights, not statehood. Gen Z Pschim Banga: Rooted in economic frustration and global identity politics, blending cultural pride with demands for jobs and opportunities.
The struggles of Bangla-speaking people across borders highlight the interplay of language, economy, and identity. While the 1952 movement in Bangladesh became the seed of nationhood, in India Bengali movements oscillated between cultural assertion and minority rights within a plural polity. Today, Gen Z activists carry the legacy forward, demanding not just recognition of their heritage but also economic inclusion in a rapidly globalising India. In all cases, the sense of marginalisation-whether from central states, rival linguistic groups, or global markets-has been the driving force. Bangla thus remains not only a language of literary splendour but also a language of resistance, continuously reinventing itself to address the material and symbolic needs of its speakers.
The writer is a senior journalist, The Daily Observer
