
Bangladesh loves to celebrate migrant workers when remittance figures hit a new high. Politicians praise them. Policymakers highlight their earnings as proof of economic resilience. Newspapers call them the backbone of the economy. Then the celebration ends, and the workers disappear from the national conversation. This is the hypocrisy we must confront. Every year, more than a million Bangladeshis leave their families to work abroad. They send billions of dollars home and keep the economy supplied with vital foreign exchange. But who counts the price they pay? Who speaks for the worker who sells his land to buy a job, or the woman who escapes abuse abroad with nowhere to turn? We cannot celebrate remittances while ignoring the suffering behind them. If migrant workers are our economic backbone, the state must treat them as citizens first, not sources of money.
The exploitation begins at home. Though migration costs are officially regulated, many low-skilled workers pay more than half a million taka for an overseas job, forcing families to sell land, drain savings or take high-interest loans. Promised salaries and jobs can then give way to lower wages, different work and harsh conditions. By the time workers discover the deception, their debts have already mounted. Migration, meant to offer a way out of poverty, can thus become a debt trap from the very beginning.
The exploitation does not stop at the airport. Workers can face unpaid or delayed wages, excessive working hours, unsafe workplaces and passport confiscation. Recruiting agencies often depend on brokers and sub-agents who make promises that never appear in contracts, collect excessive fees and disappear when problems arise. A recent report - “Malaysia Labour Market Reopens: Syndicate active again” - published in The Daily Observer offers a disturbing warning as Malaysia prepares to reopen recruitment of Bangladeshi workers. Recruiters have alleged that a new syndicate involving only 25 agencies could be formed, with each agency allegedly asked to pay Tk17 crore, or around RM5 million, to join. If implemented, such an arrangement could shut nearly all of Malaysia’s roughly 2,000 licensed recruiting agencies out of the market and once again push up migration costs.
The allegations must be investigated before they become another chapter in the exploitation of migrant workers. Malaysia suspended recruitment from Bangladesh in 2024 amid allegations of irregularities and excessive migration costs, while 49 recruiting agencies have since had their licences cancelled over alleged irregularities. The previous system had already created serious concerns over restricted recruitment, excessive fees and the role of intermediaries. Recruiters now fear that a possible RM5,000 syndicate charge per worker could again make migration more expensive for ordinary Bangladeshis. Whether these allegations are proven or not, the government cannot afford to repeat a system in which workers ultimately pay for restricted access to overseas jobs. If Malaysia insists on limiting recruitment agencies, Bangladesh Overseas Employment and Services Limited (BOESL) could operate as a One Stop Service Centre, allowing licensed agencies to process workers under government supervision.
Another concern is workplace accidents. Those accidents can leave workers disabled, wage theft can destroy families, and death can leave dependants without income or justice. Yet Bangladesh often measures migration success through remittance inflows. More than a million Bangladeshis migrate abroad for work every year, while billions of dollars return to the country. Behind these figures are workers who may sacrifice rest, leave, fair overtime and basic safety. Rising remittances cannot automatically mean better welfare. If a worker earns more only because he works longer hours without proper compensation, the remittance figure conceals exploitation rather than measuring prosperity.
Ironically, Bangladesh has laws to protect migrant workers, including the Overseas Employment and Migrants Act 2013. But laws without enforcement are little more than paper shields. Brokers and sub-agents must be registered and accountable, while agencies that charge illegal fees, falsify contracts or deceive workers should face swift punishment. Recruitment costs must be transparent and contracts verified before departure. The government must investigate syndicates and illicit payments. Also, destination countries must safeguard wages, working hours, workplace safety and access to justice. Moreover, Bangladesh should move towards an employer-pay system so workers do not begin their overseas lives buried in debt. Diplomatic missions also need properly funded labour wings, emergency shelters and legal teams.
Women migrant workers face an even darker reality. Many domestic workers live inside private homes, beyond public scrutiny and labour inspections, where they may face physical and sexual abuse, unpaid wages, confinement and restricted communication. A BRAC report found that more than 4.7 lakh Bangladeshi migrant workers returned home over six years after facing abuse and exploitation, including 67,199 women who experienced physical or sexual abuse. Saudi Arabia has repeatedly featured in accounts of Bangladeshi women returning after alleged exploitation. As domestic workers have limited access to outside help and are especially vulnerable to passport confiscation and movement restrictions, they need stronger pre-departure preparation, emergency shelters, accessible complaint mechanisms, legal assistance and swift diplomatic intervention.
However, the responsibility does not end when workers return. Many come home injured, traumatised, indebted or financially broken, so reintegration must provide healthcare, skills training, affordable credit and employment opportunities. The government should also publish data on recruitment fraud, wage theft, deaths, injuries and compensation.