The upcoming 13th National Parliamentary Election in Bangladesh reveals a stark and troubling contradiction in our political landscape. On one hand, we are dreaming of a "New Bangladesh"-inclusive, reformed, and born from the blood and sweat of the July Mass Uprising of 2024. On the other hand, women's participation in the core of our decision-making process-parliamentary elections-has hit a disappointing low.
During the turbulent days of the 2024 uprising, women were at the vanguard, braving tear gas and bullets to sow the seeds of a reformed nation. Yet, as we approach the 2026 polls, their absence from the ballot box confronts us with a harsh reality. A glance at the candidate lists reveals that out of 51 registered political parties, at least 30 have failed to nominate a single woman candidate.
In a country where half the voters are women, does a mere 4% representation of female candidates not contradict the very spirit of a reform-oriented democracy?
Can a democratic structure truly be sustainable when it systematically alienates such a significant portion of its population?
According to data from BBC Bangla and Deutsche Welle, the percentage of female candidates has regressed from 5.15% in 2024 to a dismal 4.26% in 2026. While the BNP has nominated 10 women, they account for only 3.4% of their total nominations. Meanwhile, Jamaat-e-Islami has included women in its alliance but lacks a single solo female candidate from within its own ranks. This is particularly jarring considering that the 'July National Charter 2025,' drafted by the National Consensus Commission, pledged a minimum of 5% female representation in nominations. These figures underscore a massive chasm between political rhetoric and reality.
Interestingly, the few women in the race are exceptionally qualified. Analysis shows that 75% of them are highly educated (Graduates and Post-graduates), and 67% are working professionals-doctors, lawyers, teachers, and entrepreneurs. Candidates like Nabila Tasnid (Dhaka-20) or Dr. Manisha Chakraborty (Barishal-5) have already proven that voters are responsive and eager for female leadership. Why then do political parties still perceive women as 'unwinnable' or 'unsafe' bets?
The result of this bias is that one-third of the women who did secure nominations come from political dynasties. Parties still prefer the wives, daughters, or sisters of influential male leaders over dedicated and qualified grassroots female activists. This is a manifestation of a deeply entrenched patriarchal political culture, where parties believe that only men can navigate the pressures of violent politics, muscle power, and election financing. But can a state remain sustainable in the long run by keeping half its population away from the policymaking table?
The "nomination trade" and patriarchal syndicates are significant barriers. A discussion by the Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD) highlighted that even for reserved seats, transactions worth crores of taka sometimes take place, effectively blocking the path for deserving women.
Global examples offer a different narrative. Rwanda is a global model where women hold 61% of parliamentary seats. In neighboring India, women's empowerment in local government has led to education and health outcomes in women-led areas being 62% higher than those led by men. In Bangladesh, where women drive the economy-accounting for 80% of the RMG workforce and 70% of the healthcare sector-their voices remain shackled to a 4% representation at the policy level.
A recent research on climate change and Geohazards in Bangladesh indicates that women are the most vulnerable victims of environmental disasters. When their voices are faint in policymaking, critical issues like social safety, maternal protection, and sustainable development lose priority. The World Economic Forum confirms that increasing female political participation boosts GDP and enhances allocations for education and social protection-the pillars of sustainable development.
By 2030, there is a legal obligation for all political parties to ensure 33% female representation in their committees. However, without quotas or legal mandates in the nomination process, this goal will remain a pipe dream. Political parties must abandon their patriarchal mindset and view female leadership not as a "favor," but as a fundamental right.
If women can mobilize political rallies and sustain the national economy, why can they not legislate in Parliament? To reach the 33% goal by 2030, we must move beyond the "cage" of reserved seats and ensure space for qualified women in direct elections. The spirit of the July Revolution will only be fulfilled when equality is reflected on the ballot paper and within the halls of Parliament. No state can witness a "sustainable democracy" while leaving half its population outside the room where decisions are made.
The writer is a researcher
