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Why do our politicians fail?

Published : Wednesday, 8 January, 2025 at 12:00 AM  Count : 381
The tea kettle wheezes like an asthmatic old man, tired of boiling over the same lies. Aminul's hands move automatically-spoon, sugar, condensed milk, stir-while his mind drifts through decades of broken promises. Across the street, slogans rise and fall like waves in low atmospheric pressure crashing against a stubborn shore. He does not look up. He doesnot need to. He heard it all before. The newspaper lies discarded, its ink screaming reform in bold fonts that no one believes anymore. Aminul does not read the words; he feels them, heavy and familiar, like the smell of rain on clogged sewage. 

The students-bright-eyed, fists clenched-shout about revolution, their voices rising defiantly into the foggy winter-air. He wonders if they know the weight of it, the way hope bends under years of betrayal. In this city, built on dreams and debris, who is the villain? The corrupt minister in his air-conditioned office? Or the quiet millions who stopped expecting anything else? 

The kettle hisses again, demanding attention. Aminul sighs, as if surrendering to the futility of it all. Change, like tea, needs heat to brew. But who will light the fire? Aminul knows that he is not the one who will kindle the flame.

This is the paradox of Bangladesh-a country caught between the embers of its past and the flashing possibility of something better. For decades, it has simmered under the weight of history, ambition, and failure, its people oscillating between fiery defiance and resigned inertia. The story of this nation is one of relentless contradictions: remarkable economic growth shadowed by deep-seated political dysfunction; a people yearning for justice still trapped in cycles of corruption and impunity; a society ambitious for progress but too often mired in the debris of its past. 

To understand this paradox, you must start at its roots. The colonial legacy looms large, shaping Bangladesh's identity in ways both overt and insidious. The students chanting outside Aminul's tea stall might dream of revolution, but the echoes of their shouts carry the weight of centuries. The colonial system laid the foundation for an economy built on exploitation-a structure that persists today in the form of export-driven industries like the garment sector. Economic growth may dazzle on paper, but its cost is written in tragedies like the Rana Plaza disaster, where over 1,100 workers lost their lives. The demand for cheap labour and faster production mirrors the same exploitative dynamics of a neocolonial world order. 

Aminul knows this. He does not need headlines to tell him about the workers who sweat and toil for pennies while Western brands pocket the profits. He knows it in the same way he knows the streets he walks every day-intimately, painfully, like a wound that never quite heals. The collapse of the jute industry, once a proud symbol of Bangladeshi resilience, is another chapter in this ongoing saga. The IMF and World Bank pushed for economic liberalisation in the 1980s, and Bangladesh complied, shutting down mills like the iconic Adamjee Jute Mills, once the world's largest jute producer. What followed was not prosperity but a loss of identity, self-reliance, and countless jobs. The nation's leaders signed deals, struck bargains, and paved the way for dependency, leaving ordinary citizens like Aminul to wonder if this was progress or merely another form of submission. 

However, the legacies of the past extend beyond economic spheres. The colonial period also profoundly shaped the course of Bengali and Bangladeshi politics. Figures like Surendranath Banerjee, often called the Indian Burke, emerged as early proponents of Indian involvement in government, establishing the Indian National Association, a precursor to the Indian National Congress. This marked the early stirrings of nationalist politics in Bengal, laying the groundwork for the subsequent struggle for self-determination. Chittaranjan Das, a prominent lawyer and political leader, played a crucial role in the non-cooperation movement against British rule, demonstrating a strategic political approach by forming the Swaraj Party to obstruct the colonial legislative process from within. These early struggles for political representation laid the foundation for the subsequent movements for self-determination and ultimately, independence.

The history of the Partition of India further complicates the political landscape. Figures like A.K. Fazlul Huq, while initially attempting to bridge communal divides, ultimately supported the Lahore Resolution, which indirectly supported the idea of Pakistan. Such support highlights the complexities of the partition narrative. Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, despite advocating for a united Bengal, succumbed to the prevailing communal tensions. These historical events continue to cast a long shadow over Bangladeshi politics, influencing communal relations and shaping political discourse.

Still, history alone cannot shoulder the blame. The failures of Bangladesh's political class are glaring, their consequences written across the faces of its people.The tea in Aminul's hands cools as he considers the endless cycle of greed and corruption that has plagued his country. The Mujib Era (1972-1975) saw Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's government heavily influenced by post-colonial economic frameworks, relying on foreign aid that led to policies pushing liberalization despite an initial socialist inclination. His 1975 move to establish BAKSAL, a one-party state, led to accusations of nepotism and corruption, centralizing power around Mujib and his associates. The infamous Jail Killing Day in 1975, where four Awami League leaders were assassinated, marked the rise of political violence and extrajudicial killings.

The students-bright-eyed, fists clenched-shout about revolution, their voices rising defiantly into the foggy winter-air. He wonders if they know the weight of it, the way hope bends under years of betrayal. In this city, built on dreams and debris, who is the villain? The corrupt minister in his air-conditioned office?

After Mujib's assassination, Bangladesh was governed by military regimes under Ziaur Rahman and Hussain Muhammad Ershad (1975-1990). Ziaur Rahman, who came to power through a coup, shifted foreign policy towards the West and Middle East, strengthening economic ties. He also founded the Bangladesh Nationalist Party to foster a broader political spectrum. Hussain Muhammad Ershad, another military ruler, centralised power, altered the constitution, and declared Islam the state religion, marking a departure from a secular vision.
The so called return to democracy (1991-2006) was marred by intense political rivalry, leading to violence, especially during elections. The 1996 election violence resulted in over one hundred deaths. The Hawa Bhaban scandal during Khaleda Zia's BNP tenure highlighted government corruption, particularly in contracts. Human rights abuses, including extrajudicial killings, continued during this period.

The 2007-2008 caretaker government, initially welcomed for its anti-corruption stance, became increasingly controversial for overstepping its mandate, arresting political leaders, and facing accusations of selective prosecution. 

From 2009 onwards, under Awami League dominance, Bangladesh's focus on the RMG sector tied it to Western market demands, often at the cost of labor rights, exemplified by the 2013 Rana Plaza collapse. The 2014 election, boycotted by the opposition, raised questions about democratic legitimacy, while the use of the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) to suppress dissent was criticized as authoritarian. Corruption scandals such as the Padma Bridge bribery case and allegations in several megaprojects have plagued the government. Nepotism within the Awami League, with family members like SajeebWazed Joy and Tulip Siddiq benefiting from political influence, has also drawn criticism. The Digital Security Act continues to stifle free speech and dissent, with journalists and activists facing arrests for defamation or anti-state activities.Such actions deepen public mistrust, perpetuating a culture where those in power act with impunity, while ordinary citizens like Aminul grow weary of seeking justice. 

Aminul sighs again, staring at the now-lukewarm tea. He knows change is needed, but the path forward feels impossibly steep. Still, there are glimmers of hope, faint though they may be. The students shouting slogans across the street, the newspaper editorials calling for reform, these are signs that the fire has not entirely gone out. 

To break free of its cycles of failure, Bangladesh must confront its challenges head-on. Strengthening democratic institutions is essential. An independent judiciary, fair elections, and a vibrant but not power-hungry civil society can serve as pillars of accountability. Corruption must be rooted out with the same determination that built bridges and cities, and nepotism must give way to a meritocracy that values competence over connections. 

Economic reform is equally crucial. Bangladesh must diversify beyond exploitative industries, investing instead in education, healthcare, and sustainable development. The nation's economic growth should not come at the cost of its workers or its environment. The prioritisation of inclusive growth and the revival of local industries, like jute, could foster a more equitable economy, reducing dependence on external forces and creating opportunities for millions. 

But perhaps most importantly, the political culture must change. Dialogue and compromise must replace division and hostility. The intense rivalry between the Awami League and BNP has done little but sow division; genuine collaboration between parties is critical to ensure the country moves forward. Leaders must remember that they serve the people, not themselves. The trust that has been eroded over decades must be rebuilt, one step at a time. 

As the kettle wheezes one last time, Aminul pours himself another cup, watching as the steam curls upward like the faintest whisper of hope. Change, like tea, needs heat to brew. And, just perhaps, the fire is already being lit.

The writer is an Editor of Geopolits.com


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