In the late 1960s and early 1970s, it was not unusual to see headlines praising North Korean Supreme Leader Kim Il Sung in Lebanese newspapers. Indeed, Levantine media at the time even named him "the leader loved by 100 million." It was obviously mainly left-leaning or socialist media outlets that would publish articles praising the achievements of the North Korean leader, while always focusing on the theme of resistance.
North Korea had positioned itself as a pillar of the nonaligned movement. It was a supporter of the Palestine Liberation Organization and other causes. Pyongyang viewed these groups as allies in the international struggle against imperialism. It developed a real soft power strategy during the broader Cold War era, exporting its revolutionary ideology. The recurrent themes were anticolonialism, anti-imperialism and support for socialist movements across the Middle East. This was very clear in Lebanon, which was the epicenter of the Palestinian struggle at the time.
One also needs to remember that North Korea did not only push its ideological messages, it also provided military training, arms and financial aid to Palestinian militants. Moreover, during the Lebanese Civil War, Pyongyang extended military support and expertise to communist and leftist factions. The Lebanese Communist Party was one of the beneficiaries of this support. It is worth noting that this group is now completely pro-Hezbollah.
This period was also different for North Korea. I will not delve into the Korean wars, but Pyongyang was able to balance between Russia and China and, in a way, gain its voice. This balance empowered its capacity to send its ideological message to the Middle East.
Following the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union, this was no longer the case. North Korea became increasingly dependent on Beijing. A quick look at North Korea's imports highlights this. It has maintained a certain degree of freedom, but this is much more limited than during the Cold War. Moreover, its political influence and focus on the Middle East also faded away.
In the 1980s, North Korea's outreach to the region was mostly in the form of covert dealings, rather than its earlier very clear anti-imperialist messaging within the Middle East.
It is also worth noting that Pyongyang had some arrangements with Muammar Qaddafi. This was consistent with its goal of seeking partners to circumvent international sanctions and to support its struggling economy. In the same way, it also keeps good relations with Syria and, to this day, it has strong ties with Algeria, which continues to celebrate Kim's historic 1975 visit.
Is North Korea now about to engage ideologically in the Middle East once again? Last month's news of North Korean soldiers assisting Russia in its war against Ukraine could be a sign of change. The mutual visits and expanding bonds of friendship between President Vladimir Putin and Kim Jong Un are potentially changing the equation relating to Pyongyang's reliance on China. With growing exchanges and resources from Moscow, North Korea will probably be able to rebalance or mitigate the influence of Beijing. It is also clear that China is uneasy with the latest development as it makes it more difficult to maintain its neutral stance in the war in Ukraine.
Despite these tensions, there is a more unified front between China and Russia than there was in the 1970s. This is partly because the Nixon Doctrine is now void. The former US president's opening to China successfully divided the two communist countries. Today, China, Russia and North Korea have a dynamic relationship, but are looking to the West in the same way.
Hence, at a time of high volatility in the Levant, this could prove to be a new opportunity for North Korea to reestablish its messaging and outreach in the region to end its isolation. Exactly like it did in the 1970s. If we review the ideological positioning of North Korea at the time, the main message that resonated was its solidarity with oppressed people. This also implies a messaging push on the theme of anti-imperialism, as well as another theme that is recurrent and important for North Korea: self-reliance and the base of what is known as the Juche ideology.
In the 1960s, this was pushed through books and publications based on the translations of Kim Il Sung's works. This literature was disseminated via leftist groups in Lebanon and the broader Middle East. Today, TikTok and Instagram will probably do the job. Moreover, these themes resonate strongly with the Middle East's bourgeois youth, even more than those living or studying abroad. We also now live in a time when people reject great power competition. Hence, with conflicts in the region echoing the 1970s, are we about to witness a renewed communication policy from North Korea? Stranger things have happened.
SOURCE: ARAB NEWS
