Tuesday | 10 December 2024 | Reg No- 06
বাংলা
   
Tuesday | 10 December 2024 | Epaper
BREAKING: ● Jatiya Nagorik Committee reorganised to expand activities, chief organiser Sarjis       ● Yunus urges EU envoys to shift visa centres to Dhaka from Delhi      ● 47th BCS application process postponed      ● India desires mutually beneficial relationship with Bangladesh      ● 47th BCS application process suspended       ● Dengue: Two more die, 478 hospitalised in a day      ● ADB approves $100m loan for Bangladesh infrastructure      

Understanding characteristics of July students' movement

Published : Thursday, 7 November, 2024 at 12:00 AM  Count : 998
Golam Rasul, PhD
The student movement in July 2024 is an unprecedented event in the political history of Bangladesh. This historic movement led to the fall of an authoritarian regime and raised great hope and aspiration among the people. Political and social analysts describe this phenomenon in various ways, with varying hopes and aspirations for its future. Some scholars see it as a revolution, calling it the "July Revolution," and propose going beyond the current constitution to establish a revolutionary government. Others, however, see it as a popular uprising, advocating for making necessary reforms in the state to fulfill people's aspirations. Widespread discussions and debates on this subject are taking place, as evident in newspapers and on social media, generating various types of hope and aspiration.

Understanding the characteristics and nature of the student movement is essential in achieving its goals, as expectations and aspirations vary depending on the nature of a movement. A significant gap between anticipated outcomes and actual results can lead to frustration and disillusionment. Signs of discontent are already surfacing from certain quarters, with such sentiments growing steadily. Therefore, it is imperative to grasp the true characteristics of the movement and set the expectations, hopes, and aspirations accordingly.

A lack of clear understanding of the characteristics of the movement can lead to misguided policies, potentially disrupting its objectives and goals. Analyzing the post-movement situations in various countries worldwide reveals that misguided policies and initiatives have often prevented many nations from reaping the benefits of their movements, resulting in even worse outcomes. For instance, several Arab countries now have more reactionary governments in place following the Arab Spring.

To fully understand the characteristics of the student movement, it is necessary to analyze its goals and objectives, leadership style, and the overall nature of the movement. Movements, mass uprisings, and revolutions are interrelated. When a movement gains in scope and intensity and involves a large segment of the population, it takes the form of a mass uprising. For instance, between 2010 and 2011, there was widespread discontent and mass uprisings against authoritarian regimes in several countries of the Arab world.

A revolution takes place when a mass uprising overthrows the existing state system and introduces a new one. A revolution is the pinnacle of a movement that seeks to fundamentally alter existing political, economic, and social systems while introducing new ones. This is evident in the French Revolution, the Russian Revolution, and the Chinese Revolution, among others. The French Revolution resulted in the overthrow of the monarchy and establishment of a republic. Similarly, the Russian Revolution of 1917 saw the end of monarchy and establishment of a communist state. Similarly, the Chinese Revolution of 1949 led to the establishment of a socialist system in China.

In Bangladesh, we have witnessed numerous movements, mass uprisings, and revolutions. The Language Movement of 1952 secured Bengali as one of the then Pakistan's official languages; the popular uprising of 1969 overthrew the autocratic Ayub regime; and the bloody armed Liberation War of 1971 culminated in Bangladesh's independence.

Sociologists and political scientists argue that movements, uprisings, and revolutions share some similarities, but each possesses distinct characteristics. Their objectives and aspirations differ, as do their leadership style and organizational structure. The approaches, methods, and techniques employed in these events also vary, along with the expectations and aspirations they generate. To understand the nature of the July 2024 student movement in Bangladesh, it is essential to analyze its characteristics through the lens of these criteria.

Let us first examine the objectives of the July student movement. The primary goal was to reform the existing job quota system, which allocated 56% of the government jobs based on quotas rather than merit. Students demanded a fairer, merit-based system to replace what they viewed as a discriminatory quota system. The particularly contentious issue was the allocation of 30% of the government jobs to the children and grandchildren of the freedom fighters, who constitute less than 1% of the total population. Frustration and anger surged among students when the High Court reinstated this 30% quota, especially at a time when the number of educated unemployed was rising in a limited job market. Students realized that their demands could not be met without movement or agitation.
As the movement gained momentum, the anti-quota movement evolved into a broader anti-discrimination movement. Its focus expanded beyond job quotas to address various forms of social and economic discrimination. The movement's scope broadened, advocating not only for merit-based job allocation but also for the eradication of favoritism in all state processes. This shift marked a turning point as students demanded not only equal opportunities in employment but also the removal of deep-rooted inequities in governance and public institutions.

Let us now consider the ideology behind the student movement. Although it began with economic demands, primarily focused on increasing job opportunities, it gradually evolved into a broader political demand for a liberal-democratic state. Students recognized that the job crisis was deeply intertwined with political governance, as the authoritarian rule of the Sheikh Hasina government increasingly stifled dissent and curtailed the fundamental rights and freedoms essential to democracy.

The government's authoritarianism-combined with corruption, nepotism, unemployment, and widening social and financial inequality-fueled widespread anger and frustration among students and the public. Central to this movement were the three controversial national parliamentary elections held during Sheikh Hasina's tenure. In the elections of 2014, 2018, and 2024, the public was effectively denied their right to choose their political representatives, severely undermining trust in the democratic process and raising serious concerns about electoral integrity. These pervasive feelings of disappointment and frustration have sparked a growing sense of urgency among students and the general public to overthrow the autocratic regime and establish a more equitable, liberal democratic system.

Besides the movement's ideology and objectives as described above, it is important to examine its leadership. One distinctive feature of this movement was that it was led and organized by educated, young, conscious student organizations. This movement attracted students from a variety of public and private universities, colleges, madrasas, and schools. The movement had a decentralized structure. Initially led by public university students, the movement expanded to private universities and other educational institutions nationwide. The movement was initially coordinated by central organizers, but when the autocratic government attempted to disperse it by arresting them, all of the students stepped forward on their own. Social media platforms like Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram served as conduits for this movement and became platforms for information exchange.

Another notable characteristic of this movement was that it began peacefully. Unlike many revolutions that involve armed groups and insurgencies, this movement started with peaceful protests, meetings, rallies, and sit-in strikes. The movement used powerful slogans and resonant messages that united students and captivated the general public. In addition, students used graffiti as a powerful form of protest, covering public spaces with bold, thought-provoking images. All these peaceful tools amplified the movement's voice and kept its momentum alive in the public consciousness. However, as it progressed, it became increasingly violent in response to the government's brutal oppression and torture of the participants.

Analysis of the ideals, objectives, leadership, and organizational structure of this movement reveals that it was driven by an educated and socially aware student body with the primary goal of advancing their professional careers based on merit. Their anger, however, was directed at the autocratic regime and the discriminatory system that hindered their aspirations, but their movement lacked revolutionary thought, consciousness, ideology, or desire.

While individuals from all classes and professions, particularly the poor working class, joined this movement, leadership remained firmly in the hands of the students. The student leaders consistently articulated their desire to end authoritarian rule and establish a liberal democratic system that champions anti-discrimination principles. Nahid Islam, one of the coordinators of the student movement, clearly stated, "Our political position was moderate." This stance allowed them to engage with leftists, Islamists, and supporters of the BNP (ProthomAlo, November 2024).

To achieve their objectives, the student leaders articulated demands for state reforms and improvements rather than revolutionary aspirations to create a new system by discarding the existing one. Therefore, those who claim that the movement has lost its revolutionary aspirations seem inconsistent with its character and the nature of its leadership. While the movement is a dynamic process capable of evolving at different levels or stages, it remains an open question whether the ideals, goals, and revolutionary consciousness necessary to transform a people's uprising into a full-fledged revolution were present within this movement.

The writer is a Professor, Department of Economics, International University of Business Agriculture and Technology (IUBAT), Dhaka, Bangladesh



LATEST NEWS
MOST READ
Also read
Trump outlines sweeping policy agenda in TV interview
Is Putin signalling the dawn of a new nuclear age?
This year’s theme is ‘About our rights, our future, right now’
Achieving self-sufficiency in our seed production is essential
Dust pollution: A great concern for megacity Dhaka  
Peace dividend: 80 years of US-Saudi relations
Trump’s apathy to fight climate change awful 
Pros and cons of Sharenting
Editor : Iqbal Sobhan Chowdhury
Published by the Editor on behalf of the Observer Ltd. from Globe Printers, 24/A, New Eskaton Road, Ramna, Dhaka.
Editorial, News and Commercial Offices : Aziz Bhaban (2nd floor), 93, Motijheel C/A, Dhaka-1000.
Phone: PABX- 41053001-06; Online: 41053014; Advertisement: 41053012.
E-mail: [email protected], news©dailyobserverbd.com, advertisement©dailyobserverbd.com, For Online Edition: mailobserverbd©gmail.com
🔝
close